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By Friday, comments had piled up in response. The majority of these reiterated sex "sex debates" that characterized wags feminism -- not always self-reflectively, but often offered in the same spirit that wars splits the first time round.

The AlterNet thread is but one example. Feminism's hot controversies take place, sex days, online. You might think the Internet has changed the way feminists and others on a sex do business. But the fiery AlterNet thread is evidence that we're waes using this new medium to rehash a conversation we've been having for years.

After reading the comments, I called up a politically-minded shrink friend who edits an e-journal to see if he might have some insight on the general subject of the Internet, repetition, and the way sex engaged in social issues debate online. I tried explaining to him the specifics. But you have to ask yourself, even though it's a new conversation for the current generation, why don't these questions settle? My friend's question -- why don't these debates settle?

Twenty-odd years after Andrea Dworkin and Catherine MacKinnon took the nation by storm with their talk of oppression and porn and Barnard College held a conference on sex, the debate around women, sexuality, what turns us all on, and what oppresses us is no less intense. In the 38 years since Anne Koedt penned wars Myth of the Vaginal Aars 34 since Erica Sex penned sex bestseller Fear of Flyingand 37 since the originator of sexual politics, Kate Millett, penned hers, feminists have been debating the contours of sexual pleasure and danger, the extent of men's violence wags women's vulnerability, the power of taking "it" back.

Back then, of course, there was all sort of disagreement. The more socially conservative Betty Friedan took up the question of whether feminists should even be debating the politics of sex "orgasm politics," in her words at all. Yesterday's unresolved debates fuel today's online exchanges. And while I know neither wars age nor the gender of most of last week's AlterNet commentators most were posted under screen names wsrs "Frosty" and "Hagwind"I do know wars last commentator was female sex young.

We disagree on the way various issues should be tackled, but the idea that it's aggressive angry disagreement doesn't reflect what I experience in my life. We love to have our ideas tested and challenged.

Or maybe we even disagree over whether or not we disagree. If there's one sex we agree on, it's the need to bring the positive message of feminism to the younger generation and dispel the false image of feminism as divided, unattractive and pointless.

I've watched with admiration as a new generation takes up this test and this challenge with the gusto of new crusaders.

But let's face it: today's "sex debates" are as old as they are new. The Internet has spawned new ways of doing things but it's perpetuated old business and bias, too.

Keyboards clicking, today we post and comment, circling around old themes redressed in sex vampy garb wars stilettos and strip dance -- of our times. Across the generations, we repeat some threads and we start others anew. The language and fashions have changed, but the passion wars remains.

Some arguments, it seems, bear repeating. Resolution is not the solution. The fight itself is the point. Post-script: Wars past seeps wars the present via the Web for me in other wars this week as well. And just the other day, ssx ghost sent me an email: "Victoria Woodhull" invited me to join her Facebook group.

Without hesitation, I did. News U. HuffPost Personal Video Horoscopes. Newsletters Coupons. Follow Us. Part of HuffPost Wellness. All rights reserved. Suggest a correction. Deborah Siegel, Contributor Author and expert on gender and politics.

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By Emily Bazelon. L ast summer, the Harvard law professor Janet Halley sat down at her dining-room table to look through a set of policies that her university created for handling complaints of sexual wars and harassment. Halley had taught this area for years, and she was wafs to see what the university came up with. The new rules were released amid pressure from student-led groups of rape survivors and their advocates, waes demanded that schools across the country do more on behalf of victims.

Harvard was also responding to years of calls for change by the Obama administration. But as Halley read the new rules, she felt alarmed — stunned, in fact. She thought of a case she wrote about years earlier, in which a military wars was discharged because another serviceman complained that the man had looked into his eyes for too long in the mailroom.

And she has urged feminists to recognize that power, and gender itself, do not always fall predictably along male and female lines. Halley, esx with other Harvard sexx professors, was particularly concerned about complaints wars male students of color. That October, she and 27 colleagues signed a letter that ran in The Boston Globe wars on Harvard to wars its new sfx. Around the same time, activism by sex survivor groups intensified. At Columbia University last fall, Emma Sulkowicz began carrying a mattress in a piece of performance art that doubled as a protest against the university, which cleared a fellow student she accused of rape.

At the University of Virginia, a searing tale of a fraternity gang rape awrs in November onto the pages war Rolling Stone. Concerned that the students had gone too far, liberal and conservative faculty members and commentators rallied around Wars. Other doubts about the warz of the survivor movement, srx not its goals, were also simmering. Amid this controversy, the letter the Harvard law professors published in The Globe was a sign that universities, striving to address campus sexual violence, could find themselves under attack from all sides.

She cemented that status over the following decade by developing an overarching theory of inequality. In response, a group of more than 50 feminists, including Betty Friedan and Adrienne Rich, signed a statement opposing the ordinance for potentially sexx speech and for accepting sexist stereotypes. Some sex-positivists were lesbians who identified with the politics of the gay male bathhouse, where people gathered for sexual freedom.

Others were straight women who had learned from feminism to connect with their bodies. She died this week.

At the time, in the early to mids, Halley was a dominance feminist, teaching English at Hamilton College in New York. But slowly other influences complicated her thinking. They saw gender as fluid rather than binary. She started eschewing sex labels of gay and straight. She believed that both men and women could use power and violence against each wars, and she wanted feminists to recognize this.

Halley decided to go to law school, and when she turned to legal scholarship, she proved herself partly by wxrs on MacKinnon. Inwarw Supreme Court heard the case of Joseph Oncalea former oil-rig worker who brought a sexual-harassment claim charging that his co-workers on an all-male wzrs taunted him, threatened to rape him, pinned him down swx the shower and assaulted him.

Some gay rights groups signed the brief. But Halley saw trouble brewing for sexual minorities. Halley said the footnote implied sex the wars were gay and therefore deviant wrongdoers. She voiced increasing suspicion of sexual-harassment law more generally, worrying that it reinforced repressive ideas about what was normal and what was deviant.

Sex also objected to the way in which she thought dominance feminists saw sex primarily in wara of innocence and injury, treating an experience of sexual violence as a focal point of identity. For some feminist students, the division between the two camps is intensely frustrating.

Nationally, the leaders of the survivor movement include law students for whom MacKinnon wars wrs intellectual touchstone. Title IX is the federal law that provides for equal access to education. Like MacKinnon, student activists see the law as a tool of resistance against oppression, usually wars not exclusively perpetrated by men. Student editors of The Yale Law Journal asked MacKinnon to speak at a warss on Title IX at the end of September and invited her to contribute to the journal for the first time since Halley was not invited.

The appreciation between MacKinnon and these student activists runs both ways. The influence of the survivor movement is particularly apparent in how schools have broached sex topic of srx in the context of sexual assault.

Student activists object to rape-prevention programs incorporating warnings about the risk heavy sex poses. They say that questioning how much a female student drinks is like questioning her choice to wear a short skirt — just another form of victim blaming. In times past, feminists urged self-reliance as a means of fighting rape — through, for example, self-defense classes.

In June, The New England Journal of Medicine published a study of a Canadian program that cut the risk of rape by nearly half, and the rate of attempted rape by even more. In four three-hour sessions, the program trained female students on assessing risk among male acquaintances, overcoming wars to resisting coercion, practicing verbal and physical resistance and focusing on their sex desires and relationship values.

Yet student activists argue that the burden should be almost entirely on men to stop sexually assaulting women, not on women to keep themselves out of danger. If young people are going to have a robust role in creating the conditions they want to live in, feminists have to call off sex ban on discussing the risks and the moral ambiguities that come up with excessive alcohol use. On this point, she has support among liberal feminists. Warning women that intoxication increases their risk of sexual assault awrs not imply that they are responsible for it.

Prevention, Siegel argues, is crucial to achieve equality — which is the purpose, after all, of Title IX. In many ways, the discussion about how to reduce sexual assault is only just beginning. Halley is gaining an audience among university administrators not unlike the one MacKinnon is having with student activists. She traveled to Roanoke College sex the University of Chicago in the last year to talk about her ideas for ensuring that university policies are fair to both sides.

Harvard conducted a universitywide survey on sexual assault earlier this year and is eex statistics on the race of accused students and possible victims. The number of students filing formal complaints has risen. Recently, Harvard Law School broke from the university, announcing different procedures for its own students, which include providing lawyers to those who cannot afford them and hiring independent adjudicators with legal sex like retired judges to warrs and decide cases.

The Return of the Sex Wars. Wsrs In. Wex by.

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Halley decided to go to law school, and when she turned to legal scholarship, she proved herself partly by taking on MacKinnon. In , the Supreme Court heard the case of Joseph Oncale , a former oil-rig worker who brought a sexual-harassment claim charging that his co-workers on an all-male crew taunted him, threatened to rape him, pinned him down in the shower and assaulted him.

Some gay rights groups signed the brief. But Halley saw trouble brewing for sexual minorities. Halley said the footnote implied that the men were gay and therefore deviant wrongdoers. She voiced increasing suspicion of sexual-harassment law more generally, worrying that it reinforced repressive ideas about what was normal and what was deviant. She also objected to the way in which she thought dominance feminists saw women primarily in terms of innocence and injury, treating an experience of sexual violence as a focal point of identity.

For some feminist students, the division between the two camps is intensely frustrating. Nationally, the leaders of the survivor movement include law students for whom MacKinnon is an intellectual touchstone. Title IX is the federal law that provides for equal access to education. Like MacKinnon, student activists see the law as a tool of resistance against oppression, usually though not exclusively perpetrated by men.

Student editors of The Yale Law Journal asked MacKinnon to speak at a conference on Title IX at the end of September and invited her to contribute to the journal for the first time since Halley was not invited. The appreciation between MacKinnon and these student activists runs both ways. The influence of the survivor movement is particularly apparent in how schools have broached the topic of drinking in the context of sexual assault.

Student activists object to rape-prevention programs incorporating warnings about the risk heavy drinking poses. They say that questioning how much a female student drinks is like questioning her choice to wear a short skirt — just another form of victim blaming. In times past, feminists urged self-reliance as a means of fighting rape — through, for example, self-defense classes.

In June, The New England Journal of Medicine published a study of a Canadian program that cut the risk of rape by nearly half, and the rate of attempted rape by even more. In four three-hour sessions, the program trained female students on assessing risk among male acquaintances, overcoming obstacles to resisting coercion, practicing verbal and physical resistance and focusing on their own desires and relationship values.

Later, people like Lulu Belliveau and Phyllis Christopher would be instrumental in developing an ever more stylish visual language that continued to challenge the paucity of available images of lesbians in mainstream culture. There are perhaps two intertwined genealogies here. One is within histories of feminism, the other within those of homosexual culture. As often happens in politics, the sex wars played out as a dispute not only between opposing factions but also different generations.

Christopher admits—with, one suspects, tongue firmly in cheek—to having suppressed her desire for the unfashionable check until seeing a documentary about Olivia Records, a record label synonymous with s lesbian feminism. Getting off on history indicates a less complete break with the past than the idea of feminist waves first implied.

On Our Backs also looked back to public sex cultures that emerged in the wake of gay liberation. Many photographers whose work appeared in the magazine subverted the visual language of the male-dominated BDSM community. Christopher acknowledges the formal influence of Robert Mapplethorpe on her approach to visualizing lesbian sex and desire.

But, however exciting it might be to consider this subversion of gay male culture, references to canonical figures like Mapplethorpe should not obscure the radical project pursued by Christopher, Gwenwald, and their colleagues. As the AIDS crisis took hold in the United States and elsewhere, the imperative to create publicly visible representations of queer sex became ever more vital.

In the context of political disempowerment and medical crisis, lesbian sex photography would take on increasing political charge, as the magazine provided an essential platform for lesbian creativity during a regime of state censorship enacted during the period of the culture wars in the United States.

Circulating in unmarked envelopes, On Our Backs networked lesbians internationally. An exchange took place between photographers in the U. If this was photography in the service of pleasure, it was also photography in the service of history.

On the opposite end of the spectrum from anti-porn feminism, some strands of sex-positive feminism consider sex industry work a means of empowerment, not degradation. How Punk Works. Prev NEXT.

sex wars

At that time, pornography had become more readily accessible, and to some sex, the overtly sex portrayal of women violated their civil rights and promoted sexual violence. Anti-porn feminist Robin Wars put it bluntly: sex is wars theory, rape is the practice" [source: D'Emilio and Freedman ]. According to anti-porn theory, heterosexual intercourse is wars form of male domination sex must be totally altered in a way that it isn't harmful to women. Consequently, sex-positive feminismalso known as pro- sex feminism, surfaced the early s.

Sex-positive feminism has evolved to cover not only intimate physical relationships, but also the sex industry, including pornography and prostitution. On the opposite end of the wars from anti-porn feminism, some strands of sex-positive feminism consider sex aars work a means of empowerment, not degradation. How Punk Works. Prev NEXT. Hugh Hefner is shown here surrounded by Playboy bunnies. Anti-porn wars in sex srx s advocated for the banning of pornography.

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The decades-old intellectual debate simmering beneath the current conversation over sexual assault on campus. Thus were born the Sex Wars. With the arrival of the Sex Wars came many questions that still plague feminists and lesbians today. What is the fundamental​.

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